Bhagwan Das

 

        Bhagwan Das

       Chakravarti Gautam 

 

Mr. Bhagwan Das was born in an Untouchable family at Jutog Cantonment, Simla (Himachal Pradesh) India on 23 April, 1927. He served in the Royal Indian Air Force during World War II and after demobilisation served in different capacities in various departments of the Government of India at Saharanpur, Simla and Delhi. He did M.A. in History (Punjab University) and LLM from Delhi University. He did research on the 'Indianisation of the Audit Department from 1840-1915'. He had been contributing articles and short stories to various papers and journals published in India.

His father Mr. Ram Ditta was fond of reading newspapers and a great admirer of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar.  Inspired and encouraged by his father, Mr. Das worked with Mr. T. R. Baidwan of Simla who was the most prominent leader of the Untouchables in Simla Hills, and joined the Scheduled Castes Federation at the tender at of 16. Since then, he has been actively associated with the Ambedkarian movement and done a great deal to promote the ideas of Babasaheb Ambedkar and to unite and uplift the downtrodden not only of India but also of other countries of Asia. Mr. Das is associated with many organisations of lawyers, Buddhists, Scheduled Castes, and minorities in India. General Secretary, United Lawyers Association, Supreme Court, New Delhi, General Secretary, Bouddh Upasak Sangh, New Delhi Founder Chairman. Ambedkar Mission Society, which has branches in many parts of the world. Revived Samata Sainik Dal (Volunteers for Equality) founded by Dr. Ambedkar in 1926-27. Regional Secretary (North), Indian Buddhist Council. Founder, Society for the Protection of Non-Smokers. Edited Samata Sainik Sandesh (English) 1980-1990.

Mr. Das has been associated with the 'Peace Movement' since the end of World War II, in which he served on the Eastern Front with the R.A.F. under South East Asia Command. He is one of the founder members of the World Conference on Religion and Peace (India) and has participated in the Conferences held in Kyoto, Japan 1970, Princeton USA (1979), Seoul, Korea (1986, Nairobi, Kenya 1984), Melbourne, Australia (1989). He was appointed Director, Asian Centre for Human Rights (Asian Conference on Religion and Peace) in 1980 and has been continuing to serve in this capacity - monitoring the news of violation of human rights in Asian countries and organising camps for training of human rights workers, speaking and writing for the cause.

Mr. Das was invited to deliver a lecture on 'Discrimination' by the Peace University, Tokyo (1980) and addressed several meetings organised by the Burakumins of Japan. Gave testimony before the United Nations about the plight of Untouchables in South Asia, in the meeting of Sub-committee on Human Rights held at Geneva, Switzerland in August 1983. He visited England in 1975, 1983, 1988, 1990 and 1991 in connection with lectures and seminars. He participated in the seminar held in Hull University in 1990 as a representative of the Ambedkar Centenary Celebration Committee UK and also held a seminar on Human Rights in India at London University, School of Asian and Oriental Studies in February 1991. He was invited to deliver Ambedkar memorial Lectures in Milind Mahavidyalaya, Aurangabad (1970), Marathwada University (1983), Nagpur University, PWS College, Nagpur, Ambedkar College, Chanderpur, Amraoti University 1990. Mr. Das also visited Nepal (1980 and 1990), Pakistan (1989), Thailand (1988), Singapore (1989) and Canada (1979) to study the problems of deprived and disadvantaged members of society, women, and children. Delivered lectures in Winsconsin University (USA) 1979 and North-field College (USA) on Castes in contemporary India. He was invited to give lectures on Dr Ambedkar at the Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow in June, 1990.

Mr Das practises law in the Supreme Court of India. With a view to improving the professional competence of and helping upcoming advocates belonging to Untouchable and indigenous groups he founded Ambedkar Mission Lawyers Association and Legal/Aid Society in 1989. He is General Secretary of 'Professions for People', an organisation founded in Delhi to elevate professional standards.

Mr. Das was invited to preside at the Dalit and Buddhist writers conference held at Akola in 1989 and is closely associated with various organisations of Dalit writers. Mr. Das has written more than five hundred articles, papers for seminars, short stories for various newspapers and journals. His papers on 'Revival of Buddhism', 'Some problems of minorities in India', 'Reservation in Public Services' have been published in Social Action brought out by Indian Social Institute, New Delhi and Delhi University Buddhist Department. He has written many papers on Reservation and representative bureaucracy, discrimination against the Dalits in public services, minorities, etc. He was a member for the Committee for evolving new strategies for the development of Scheduled Castes and Tribes - VIII Plan' set up by the Government of India and also a member of Ambedkar Centenary Committee of the Government of India. Mr. Das has written many books in Urdu, English and Hindi on Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Untouchables, scavengers and sweepers, human rights, discrimination, etc. Prominent among them are “Thus Spoke Ambedkar “(VolI to V, Ed); “Ambedkar on Gandhi and Gandhism “(Ed): “Ambedkar ek parichey ek Sandesh” (Hindi); “Main Bhangi hoon,” the story of an Indian sweeper told in the first person (this book has been translated into Kannada and Marath, Telgu and Punjabii), Valmiki aur Bhangi Jati (Hindi); Valmiki (Hindi); Dhobi (Hindi). He translated into Urdu former President of the USA Lyndon Johnson's 'My Hope for America', Dr Ambedkar's 'Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah' besides editing Bhadant Anand Kaushalyayan's” Gita ki Buddhi wadi Samiksha.”

Other books in print are Reservation and Representative Bureaucracy in India; Untouchables in the Indian Army. (Mahar, Mazhbi, Chuhra, Pariahs, Mangs, Dhanuks, Dusadhs, Chamars, Kolis, Bheels); Mandal Commission and the Future of Backward Classes; Twenty-Two Oaths of Buddhism and Conversion; Ravidassis and Balmikis of Northern India; Buddhism and Marxism; Ambedkar as a Religious Leader.

Mr. Das has toured almost the whole of India to study the problems of Hindu-Muslim riots, religious conflicts, atrocities committed on the Untouchables and tribal people, with the group 'Threat to Diversity', 'Swaraj Mukti Morcha' and as Chairman, Samata Sainik Dal.

 

Race, Caste and Discrimination

 

                                Race, Caste and Discrimination

-                                                                                             BHAGWAN DAS

 

Discrimination has been practiced by the dominating groups against the weaker and smaller groups for centuries. Discrimination is the child of prejudice born of fear and ignorance. Buddha was perhaps the first among the great religious leaders of the world who took practical steps to educate people against prejudice and discrimination. Society in his time was, as the society in India is horizontally and vertically divided into hundreds of castes. He had rejected the theories propounded by the Brahmins in regard to the creator God, soul and caste system. He laid emphasis on right living, right thinking, compassion and loving kindness. Unfortunately, as Buddhism developed and spread throughout the world many things, which were opposed to his teachings, were incorporated in the Dhamma. Castes exist and untouchability is practiced in many countries of Asia where majority of the people profess Buddhism.

Race has been defined as "a biologically distinctive major division of a species in which the differences between recognised races exceed the variations within them." Human population is divided into many races on the basis of physical appearances, which are born of geographical and climatic differences.

Racism is a comparatively recent phenomenon. But racial discrimination has a long history. Jews in Europe became easy victims of discrimination after the rise of Christianity while the Jews are proud of the fact that they are the chosen people of God because a very large number of prophets, philosophers, scientists, thinkers rose among them. But the widespread persecution and oppression culminating into the 'final solution' launched by Adolf Hitler of Germany to exterminate the Jews made many declare, "Let God choose some other race. We have enough of it."

Racism has attracted more attention during the 19th and 20th century because of the struggle for emancipation launched by the Negroes or to use the new title "African Americans" and persecution of Jews in Nazi Germany.

Caste has attracted little attention. Caste is an Indian phenomenon and has done more harm that the discrimination based on race, colour or descent. The main difference between race and caste is that while race is based on physical or biological differences, caste has the sanction of religion and strengthened and perpetuated by culture and economic interests. Caste was phenomenon peculiar to India and partly because of the ignorance on the part of the people who drafted the universal Declaration of Human Rights and partly because of the attitude of Indian leaders, Article 2 says:

"Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this declaration, without dis-tinction of any kind, such as RACE, COLOUR, SEX, LANGUAGE,

RELIGION, POLITICAL OR OTHER OPINION, NATIONAL OR SOCIAL ORIGIN. PROPERTY, BIRTH OR OTHER STATUS."

One can stretch the definition and cover caste and 'social origin' or birth but was not the intention of the authors of the Declaration as is evident from the declaration and covenants of the U.N. passed and approved subsequently.

In the U.N. Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. in Article 1 wording was "Discrimination between Human beings ON THE GROUND OF RACE, COLOUR OR ETHNIC ORIGIN .. " In the International convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination." Word "DESCENT" has been used in part I. Article 1. This convention came into force on 4th January 1969.

Caste has sanction in the scriptures of Hinduism starting from the Vedas. Purush Sukts mentions the four-fold division - Brahmin (priestly caste) Kshatriya (warrior or ruler), Vishes (trading merchant, etc.,) and Shudra (servant of the three preceding Varnas.

All other books of the Hindus have provision to maintain this division. Endogamy was an essential condition. Anybody who violated the principle was excommunicated and his progeny was declared out caste. Those who had fought against the Aryan invaders, Dasas, Dasyus, Nagas etc. were also treated as 'untouchable'. In later period one finds people declared to be not only untouchable, but also un-seeable and unapproachable, because Hindu lawmakers believed that even the sight and shadow polluted the upper caste people. In order to make identity easy restriction on dress, habitat etc., were also imposed. In order to keep them poor laws were framed and enforced them to keep them divided, dependent, dispirited and week. The result was that they could not unite and fight against their oppressors.

From India caste spread to other lands - Sri Lanka, Tibet, Korea, Japan - in fact wherever the Indians went and settled down as traders, merchants or priests. If Shinto religion inculcated the idea of purity and impurity, Brahmin Buddhist missionaries introduced the stratification of society. This idea could not take root in China but many other countries fell victim to this pernicious division of society involving prejudice and hostility against men and women who performed essential duties like weaving, flaying the dead animals, sweeping the streets, removing the garbage, making bows and arrows, and carrying messages or guarding the burial grounds.

To keep them ignorant, laws were framed and enforced by Brahmin and other Hindu rulers to keep them ignorant and illiterate.

Caste is still thriving in India. It is evident from the fact that most of the upper caste people take pride in displaying their caste origin, by adding caste names. such as Mishra, Sharma, Pande, Iyer, Iyengar. Namboodri, Anand, Kakker, Shrivastava, Arora, etc.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar who had taken up the cause of Untouchables and struggled for their emancipation right from the early decades of the century awakened them, organised them and led them to assert their rights as human beings. He won for them political rights in 1932 which were incorporated in the Government of India Act, 1935. Untouchables won the right to elect their own representatives to the legislature. Mahatma Gandhi vehemently opposed this because he feared this would weaken the Hindu society. He went on fast unto death and agreement popularly known as Poona pact was signed between the untouchable leaders and the Hindu leaders. Untouchables lost the right to elect their own representatives. They were given more seats but Hindus won the right to elect the representatives of the untouchables.

Dr. Ambedkar served as Labour Member (Minister) in the Viceroy's Executive council from 1942-46. It was through his efforts that some seats (8%) were reserved in the Government offices in favour of the untouchables. He resigned in 1946.

He was appointed as Law Minister and Chairman of the Drafting Committee in the first Government after transfer of power in 1947. He played a significant role in getting the Constitution passed by the Constituent Assembly in 1949. He could not get all the provisions made in the constitution, which were in the interest of the deprived section of the society, yet many provisions such as reservation of seats in the legislature. Reservation of seats proportionate to population in public services, facilities for promoting higher education's etc., were made in the constitution. Since U.N. Declaration was also being drafted during the same period many of the Human Rights were included in the Fundamental Rights and Directive principles of India's constitution.

Untouchables or Dalits as they like to be called now, have benefited from these provisions made in the constitution and laws like Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 (Amended in 1976) and Prevention of Atrocities Act 1989. It is one thing to make provision in the constitution and quite another to implement them. Much depends on the will of the people or party who are in power and their political need and also on those who are entrusted with the duty to implement the political will and the laws enacted by the legislature. India presents a poor picture in this respect mainly because of the deep-rooted hostility and prejudice against the Dalits having the sanction of religion traditions and customs.

Before presenting the constitution to the constituent Assembly Chairmen of the Drafting committee, Dr.B.R. Ambedkar said,

"The United States has no caste problem. In India there are castes. The castes are Anti national. In the first place because They bring about separation in social Life. They are anti-national also, because they general jealousy and antipathy between caste and caste. But we must overcome all these difficulties if we wish to become a nation in reality. For fraternity can be fact only when there is a nation. Without fraternity. equality and liberty will be no deeper than coats of paint."

Prejudices die very hard. The example of United States of America is before us. Slavery was abolished and all slaves were freed. Racism still exists and affects the life of millions of Afro-Americans who are still struggling for equal rights. The same applies to the Japanese where a large number of people performing essential duties and unpleasant jobs were condemned to live in "ghettos' outside the villages and town inhabited by upper caste and upper-class people. They were given a new name - Burakumin – when caste system was legally abolished. They are the untouchables of Japan even though like the untouchables of India, Nepal, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Africa, and Arab countries they belong to the same race. They are hated and marriages between these two sections of society ae looked down upon by the dominating group. Some manufacturing companies do not employ men and women even if they have the necessary qualifications. Like the untouchables of India, they have been victims of silence.

It is about time that the international organisations, U.N.O., U.N.E.S.C.O. Amnesty International Human Rights organisations take more effective steps to educate people so that the world may get rid of these dehumanising practices. Laws exist as they do in India against untouchability and discrimination but history tells us it is not enough to have laws alone and to expect the government to implement them. Globalisation especially in the economic field leading to privatisation is likely to adversely affect the interests of deprived and discriminated against people like the Dalits of India and neighbouring countries. Prime Minister of India Mr. Atal Behari Bajpai has already declared that there will be no reservation (quota reserved for the Dalits, backward sections of society) in the private sector. Once they lose the hope for employment in clean, honourable decent jobs, men and women belonging to the deprived sections of society will lose incentive for education. One does not know where will this lead India to.

What happens in India also affects the neighboring countries. This is a problem, which warrants immediate sympathetic and objective consideration.

(Bhagwan Das, President Moderator, Dalit Solidarity

Peoples, Member Advisory Board, IMADR (Tokyo),

Director, Asian Centre for Human Rights.

Flat BC-1/H, DDA Flats, Munirka, New Delhi-11067

Tel: Fax: (011) 6163321.

Ambedkar- Gandhi Clash and Cooperation

 

Ambedkar- Gandhi Clash and Cooperation

 

“B.R. Ambedkar, Partition and the Internationalisation of Untouchability, 1939 1947”

Jesús F. Cháirez Garza

History Department, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK

pages 24-25

 

“After Ambedkar announced his intention to take the plight of the Untouchables to the UN, various Congress leaders approached him, including . In the summer of 1946, Patel and Ambedkar had a preliminary discussion at which Ambedkar asked for 20 percent of all types of electoral representation, and Patel promised to think about the demand. He later wrote to Gandhi for advice. On 1 August 1946, Gandhi replied that it was good that Patel had met with Ambedkar, but he cautioned Patel about the complications inherent in reaching an agreement with the Dalit leader. Gandhi claimed that Ambedkar should not be trusted because he made ‘no distinction between truth and untruth or between violence and non-violence;’ moreover, he had no principles, because he would ‘adopt any means which will serve his purpose.’ To illustrate this, Gandhi alluded to Ambedkar’s understanding of religion as instrumental to politics, reminding Patel that ‘one has to be very careful indeed when dealing with a man who would become a Christian, Muslim or Sikh and then be reconverted to his convenience.’ Gandhi was convinced that Ambedkar’s demands were ‘all a snare’ or ‘a “catch”’. 69 Gandhi also wanted to maintain Congress’ strategic position as a negotiator. He warned Patel: ‘if we negotiate with Ambedkar out of fear of the League we are likely to lose on both fronts,’ because any type of pact agreed before independence would inevitably suffer alteration. However, Gandhi did concede that the decision not to make an agreement with Ambedkar was also due to the attitude of Congress members towards Dalits. Gandhi told Patel: ‘you may come up to any understanding you like today—but who are the people who beat up the Harijans, murder them, prevent them from using public wells, drive them out of schools and refuse them entry into their homes? They are Congressmen.’70 As a result, Gandhi believed that reaching an agreement with Ambedkar was pointless. In contrast to the popular notion that Gandhi suggested to Nehru that Ambedkar should be brought into his new government, the paragraphs above suggest otherwise. “